The chancellor has approached this week's financial plan like a unwilling bather inching into icy water, striving to lessen the unpleasantness through step-by-step exposure.
She began addressing the issue of insufficient funds near the end of the summer months. Initially, she refused to uphold previous insistence that increases in taxation in the prior year's budget would be the final ones.
Subsequently, earlier this month, she took a larger move into the icy waters. Her address committed to "implement needed measures" to support government services and maintain debt expenses under control.
After 10 days, the Treasury had retracted the suggestion. The election promise was upheld in the end. As any freezing-water bather understands, this halted immersion and trembling withdrawal is the most painful of all approaches. No strategy prolongs the suffering like indecision.
It can be hard to be resolute when selecting between degrees of internally generated harm.
Expectation has not been a successful tactic for the administration. At the core of Keir Starmer's election bid was the unrealistic expectation of in some way fulfilling voters' call for better state services without reversing billions of pounds of Conservative tax cuts.
Never has both Starmer or the chancellor effectively conveyed a sense of shared mission to explain all this difficulty. To some extent that is a problem of personality appeal. The prime minister and the chancellor are remarkably similar in their ineffective messaging, stilted and unforthcoming in a way that repels audiences back instead of drawing them towards them.
In the same way that political pressure to support state services has forced the Treasury to acknowledge that taxes must rise, the economic imperative of boosting prosperity makes it more challenging to disregard the cost of disconnection from the EU market.
Ministers spent a year dabbling in the initial phase of realignment with the European Union: proposals to remove customs checks on farm products; a student movement initiative. Aspiration went a bit deeper on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but nothing of substance has yet been signed.
In the absence clear direction and impetus from the prime minister's office, talks are stalled. The European Commission says trading benefits are unlocked with contributions to the European funds. UK ministers know that's the deal. That doesn't lead them keen for a visible argument and campaigners howling betrayal over any cost ends up being paid.
Financial circumstances has caused some shift in the government's rhetoric on the European question. She has started citing Brexit alongside the Covid pandemic as a reason of commercial injury that the Treasury is toiling to repair. Other ministers have emulated this, although they deliberately assign the responsibility to "unfavorable agreement" or "the exit process", never just "withdrawal".
The challenge of the nation's ongoing association with the European Union can't be limited to procedural changes and import controls when the global political landscape is in tumultuous flux. Considering everything that has transpired since the referendum year, it feels reasonable still to be raising the big question: were the UK's priorities served by leaving the EU?
These are cold, uncomfortable truths about the UK's predicament in choppy international waters. It is understandable that Starmer and Reeves recoil from the responsibility. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into trends that they will not resist. So as an alternative they carry on nervously walking the coastline, hoping that perhaps shortly the situation will shift.
A financial analyst with over a decade of experience in trading and market research, specializing in technical analysis and risk management.