On the very date Donald Trump was presented with a tailor-made "peace prize" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration published an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This fairly brief paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically modest assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the strategy largely formalizes the ongoing actions and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave caution for the world, and for Europe in particular.
The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric seems taken straight from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section on Europe is imbued with generations of European far-right dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing strife, suppression of free expression and stifling of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-belief." Per the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and militaries strong enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and history."
These arguments carry powerful echoes of two concepts seen as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "indigenous" populations and bring in a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nationalist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "The United States encourages its political allies in Europe to advance this revival of national spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can accomplish this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "fostering opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "aligned countries that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
None of this is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too long or vague for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.
A financial analyst with over a decade of experience in trading and market research, specializing in technical analysis and risk management.